Typical of all military men who find themselves in such situation, Guei came across as a reluctant leader, one who had to accept the responsibility if only to save his country further bloodshed and the imminent anarchy. Guei's ascension to power was received with mixed feelings in Africa and beyond. Some people simply condemned the coup arguing that it was another opportunity for the military to ride roughshod on another country in the region. Others thought Guei would salvage the country which was undoubtedly on the brink.

Indeed, there was enough reason to be dismissive of Guei and his gang. Up until December 24 1999, Ivory Coast, with its diverse groups and religions, was touted as the bastion of stability in West Africa. It had the highest standard of living in the region and had not witnessed a military coup; quite an honor for a country in a region where military officers seemed to be in perpetual competition with one another about staging coups and toppling elected governments.

Of course, those who thought differently about Guei also had something to say. Their problem was Konan Bedie, the diminutive president of Ivory Coast, who had turned himself into a tin god. Even though he was an elected president, Bedie had very little regard for constitutional order.

His misdemeanor became intolerable when he jailed Allassane Quattara, a former Prime Minister of Ivory Coast and former IMF deputy managing director. Quattara's undoing, it appeared, was his strong contention in the presidential elections. Quattara is a Muslim from Kong in the north of Ivory Coast. Bedie, in line with his policy of "pure Ivorians" introduced in 1995, got the courts to rule that Quattara was not eligible to contest the elections because he was not a citizen of Ivory Coast. Incidentally, the latter had served as premier under the first president of Ivory Coast, Felix Houphouet-Boigny, the man Bedie succeeded.

So when army officers struck last year, there were enough people to fill the streets of Abidjan, the capital, to give them the support and legitimacy they so badly wanted. Expectedly, their leader played to the gallery, promising to clean the Augean stable and return the country to democratic rule. "Once we know that the house is clean and politicians can dance without slipping, we will withdraw after holding transparent elections", Guei said during his inaugural address last December.

Barely a year after, he is singing a different tune. Clearly, it is either the floor is still wet or Bedie himself thinks he is a better dancer. Like many military officers in West Africa who have mutated into civilian presidents, Guei wants to swap his military fatigues for stripe suits and long-flowing gowns. And he is set to do it in the most farcical manner.

On October 6, the Ivorian Supreme Court published the list of candidates for the October 22 presidential elections. The names of Quattara and ousted president Bedie were conspicuously missing. The court approved five candidates, including General Guei. Quattara was disqualified, allegedly, for his "doubtful origin". The court claimed that one of his parents was from neighboring Burkina Faso. Bedie who has been in exile in France since his overthrow was banned because he did not undergo the compulsory medical examination for candidates.

What is happening in Ivory Coast bears all the symbols of another African tragedy. Guei has defied regional organizations urging him not to take part in the elections and to stop his "arbitrary exclusions". Opposition leaders have threatened civil unrest. Tension mounts everyday. Last month there was an attempted coup. Scores of people were rounded up. Nobody knows their fate.

Africa and the world watched it happen in Togo, Ghana, Gambia, Liberia, the list is endless. Guei must be stopped! There won't be a shortage of arms and experience in ethnic cleansing when the inevitable happens. Ivory Coast shares border with Liberia and is very close to Sierra Leone. Both countries share 15 years of civil war between them.